Dramatization of 1st Meeting of Legislation Committee on Gay Rights Bill
Several days later, the first of the promised committee meetings to look into the gay rights bill in Urbana, was held. Winston came with Seth, who relished the possibility of confrontation. Roger Hamilton and I arrived together, all of us hoping to participate as much as possible.
It was held in a bright room, made even brighter by the white enamel cinderblock walls. One large fiberboard table, with brown metallic folding chairs, occupied most of the space. Against the wall, on both sides of the table, were additional folding chairs.
At the head of the table sat Alderman Ken Boyce, chairman of the Committee on Legislation. In his day job, Boyce was a professor at the university and looked the part. In his mid-forties, with a slight hunch, Boyce’s almost mousy appearance belied his behind-the-scenes powerhouse role in Urbana city politics. To his right sat two pro-gay aldermen. One of them, the Democrat, Reverend William Harrison, was a Unitarian minister. He appeared to be in his late thirties, a big man with black hair hanging over his forehead and sad eyes. I was very pleased that not all ministers shared the views of Orville Barber. Sitting next to William was the newly-elected student populist Joel Sandberg. Joel was also a burly guy, shorter than William, bedecked with well-trimmed facial hair and a pleasant face.
On Chairman Boyce's left sat two aldermen opposed to the gay rights bill: George McPherson, a Republican who looked a bit like Barry Manilow with a mustache and Paul Truscott, the only Democrat on the City Council who came out against the ordinance.
Behind the pro-gay aldermen were us four gay activists. Behind McPherson and Truscott sat the Reverend Orville Barber, the only one in the room groomed for television, and three other members of the Concerned Citizens of Urbana.
Boyce began. "An important task for this committee is to determine whether the Ann Arbor ordinance, in its current modified state, meets the needs of the citizens of Urbana or whether further modifications are required." Ken Boyce spoke calmly but forcefully. He had done this before: traffic lights, zoning, taxes, and fees. Give a little, take a little. Nobody comes out a total winner; everybody's most basic requirements are met.
A Concerned Citizen raised his hand and Boyce gave him the nod. "We do not support this ordinance in any form. America permits a merchant to discriminate against child abusers, rapists, sex maniacs, deviants, etc. If a merchant is forced to serve these people, his own moral standards will be compromised."
The four of us booed—so did Alderman Sandberg. Ken Boyce looked directly at the Concerned Citizens. "I really object to your equating gay people with child abusers, rapists and sex maniacs. How can we come up with a bill that is satisfactory to all parties, if you insist on name calling?" Boyce’s admonishment impressed me. He was being quite brave for the times. Unfortunately, as I would later discover, such bravery went only so far.
Winston was acknowledged. "The bill in question is meant to protect us from these so-called Concerned Citizens. Asking them for constructive input is like asking the fox for constructive input on building the chicken coop." There was nervous laughter from both sides.
"I think what the Concerned Citizens are saying," interjected George McPherson, "is that homosexuals already have all of the rights afforded every citizen under the constitution of the United States. There is no need for any additional protections."
"That is not what they're saying," I shouted. "And what you’re saying is bull…ludicrous. Other citizens don't have to worry about being fired from their jobs and kicked out of their houses because of whom they happen to love. Other citizens..."
Barber spoke: "Even if we accept that from society’s point of view, if not from God's point of view,” he sneered like a reptile, “that these homosexuals represent less of a threat than child molesters or rapists, we find ourselves on a slippery slope. If we excuse their immoral behavior, tomorrow the child molesters and rapists will want the same consideration."
"The separation of church and state," began Winston, "is a foundation of our legal system. The myths and superstitions Mr. Barber and his friends choose to subscribe to are none of my concern, unless those beliefs are used to deny me a job, housing and access to public accommodations. In that case, it is the responsibility of the state to protect me from such religious-based coercion."
"Revulsion over homosexuality," responded Barber "is not unique to one religion. It is shared by all denominations and all societies. In the entire animal kingdom, only human beings engage in this deviant behavior."
“In our church,” began the Reverend William Harrison, “homosexuals are welcome.”
“The devil’s church,” snickered one of the Concerned Citizens, who continued in a louder voice, "It's very simple. Homosexuality is against God's law. It is a choice, a choice for evil over good."
"Oh, go fuck yourself," yelled Seth. "Or would you prefer that I did it for you." Almost in unison, the mouths of the Concerned Citizens dropped.
"Enough of this talk," ordered Ken. "We’re here to discuss an ordinance."
"Did you hear what he said?" asked Barber. "If we pass this ordinance, our children will be exposed to this kind of debauchery. They will be lured into homosexuality."
"Everyday," I said, "kids are constantly exposed to heterosexuality. If, after all this exposure, the simple passage of a civil rights bill is enough to convince kids that being gay is the way to go, then obviously, our lifestyle is vastly superior."
"We must always remain vigilant against sin," yelled a Christian. "They even admit that they want to recruit our children."
Roger spoke up for the first time. "Honey, if your kids are ugly trolls like you, nobody wants to recruit them."
Ken threw his hands in the air. "We are accomplishing nothing."
"OK, let’s get back to business," said a Concerned Citizen. "My wife, if forced to rent to one of these people, would be sick to her stomach. What about her rights?"
"If your wife married you," continued Roger, "she's already one sick person."
"When was the last time you fucked your wife?" interjected Seth. "You can't get it at home, so you're getting your rocks off here."
By now, everyone on both sides was standing, screaming their heads off at the other side, pointing fingers and turning red. Seth and one of the Christians each held folding chairs poised as weapons, ready to strike.
"Shut up and sit down now," yelled Ken Boyce at the top of his lungs, "or I'll get the police."
The referee had spoken. Grumbling, the fighters went back to their corners.
"Since we clearly cannot come to an agreement," continued Ken. "I'll tell you what I want.” He turned to the hirsute student populist. “Joel, you work with the Gay Liberation people and fix the ordinance so it exempts religious institutions." He held out his hand as both sides began to protest. "In government, you have to make compromises and none of you seem willing to do that. Our next hearing will be on July 2nd. I expect to see an ordinance at that time and none of this behavior repeated."
Ken Boyce stood up and started to leave. Seth made menacing faces at the Concerned Citizens, while Winston rose to speak with Joel Sandberg about modifying the ordinance. When Seth, Roger and I all rose in unison, Barber and his compatriots pushed ahead of Ken Boyce and scampered out of the room and out of the building as fast as they could, prompting both Seth and I to raise our fists.
With only Joel Sandberg and us four members of Gay Liberation in the room, Ken turned at the door and spoke. "Those guys said some disturbing things, but we could get more accomplished if you guys maintained the high ground and didn't stoop to their level."
"You don't understand," I said. "This isn't about widening sidewalks. Their side will not be happy until we are exterminated. They want us dead, wiped off the face of the planet. There is no high ground." Boyce just shook his head and left the room.
